@article{oai:toyo-bunko.repo.nii.ac.jp:00004816, author = {西田, 龍雄 and NISHIDA, Tatsuo}, issue = {3}, journal = {東洋学報, The Toyo Gakuho}, month = {Jun}, note = {1. There is no doubt that the vocabularies of foreign languages generally known to scholars as Hua-i i-yü 華夷譯語 compiled by the Ssŭ i kuan 四譯館 and Hui t’ung kuan 會同館 in the late Ming dynasty are materials of considerable value for the study of the history of the Thai languages, though, beside these, we have a number of older inscriptions.In Hua-i i-yü series, we have the following 5 kinds of texts describing the Thai languages: 1) Siamese-Chinese vocabulary (暹羅館譯語乙種本), 2) Chinese-Siamese vocabulary (暹羅館譯語丙種本), 3) Chieng-mai Lao=Chinese vocabulary (八百館譯語乙種本), 4) Pal-i=Chinese vocabulary (百夷譯語乙種本), 5) Chinese=pai-i vocabulary (百夷館譯語丙種本). Note 12. I hold that in dealing with these texts, or with language in general, it is essential strictly to distinguish between the system of the script and the phonemic system of the language. We cannot regard the transliteration of a series of Siamese scripts used in the Hsien-lo-kuan i-yü into roman letters as the phonemic system of Siamese in the 16th century. If we keep the distinction of script and language carefully, and place much emphasis on the transcription in Chinese given to each foreign word, certain important discoveries are possible. I will show one instance here. Usually, we postulate three or four sets of oppositions of stop consonants in initial position for the Common Thai system, k-, kh-, g- in the velar series, t-, th-, d-, D- in the alveolar series, so on. It is well known that these voiced stops became voiceless, aspirated or unaspirated, in the later period. But no scholar, as far as I know, has yet paid any attention to the problem of when this phenomenon began or finished. Even though I cannot decide exactly the period when this unvoicing process took place, I can postulate that, from Chinese transcriptions given in these texts, Hua-i i-yü, the Chieng-mai Lao language had a series of voiced stops in the 16th century, i.e. g-, d-, b-, but in such clusters as gr-, br-, they changed into voiceless aspirated kʻ○- and pʻ○- or kʻ- and pʻ-. In opposition to such features in Chieng-mai Lao, Siamese in the 16th century already has finished this unvoicing process, and it had an opposition of two phonemes only, voiceless unaspirated and voiceless aspirated stops, for instance k:kʻ, t:tʻ, beside the voiced consonants b- and d- which originated from semi-voiced ●- and □-. In the Pal-i language which was spoken in Yün-nan and the North-Eastern part of Burma, I suppose that this unvoicing process was finished at a much older period than in Siamese (see §2.)3. This paper is intended to be an historical study of the Thai languages of the Shan group, but because of the nature of the materials, my chief attempt is concentrated on how we can reconstruct the Pai-i language in the 16th century which has several interesting linguistic features. I have dealt with two kinds of Pai-i language materials. One is a Pai-i=Chinese vocabulary which may be considered the written language, and the other is a Chinese=Pal-i vocabulary considered as the spoken one. I tentatively call the former Pai-i A, and the latter Pai-i B.The Chinese transcription in this text is, it maybe said, a fairly regular one [Thanks to Dr. Lu Chih-wei’s study, we have a knowledge of Chinese in the late Ming, see, Hsü Hsiao’s Ssŭ-ma Wen-kung Têng Yün T’u Ching (in Chinese). Yenching Journal of Chinese Studies. Number 32. 1947]For instance, we have the following items: thin maa 聽麻 , khaa maa 哈麻 , an maa 案麻 , cɯag maa 庄麻 . From this set of words, we can easily extract the common mσrpheme maa 麻 . On the other hand, we have a morpheme ma: 馬 found in lum ma: 倫馬 and au ma: 奧馬 . These two morphemes are strictly distinguished throughout the text in its Chinese transcription. The two Chinese words 麻 and 馬, probably indicate their tonal difference, but we cannot make clear the tonal system of the Pai-i language.4. In this paper, I have stressed that the phonemic system of Pai-i is something different from the phonetic values of the Pai-i script, and that it must be established by other means, namely, from the transcription in Chinese. Thus, when we transliterate ‘phuŋ’ for a sequence of Pai-i script, it is nothing but a symbol of the value customarily expressed by the Pai-i script with which the Pai-i word is spelled. For this same spelling, we shall find two types of transcription in Chinese, i. e. phug 朋 [p’uŋ)] and mak phug 抹奉 [fuŋ] . For the initial of these two words, it is probably correct to assume that the former was p’- but the latter was f-, and that in the 16th century, initial pʻ- and f- were separate phonemes, though both were written with the same letter. Similarly, the word meaning was written phwau in the Pai-i script, to which the Chinese transcription 票 [pʻiau] was given. The Chinese in the later Ming had two syllable patterns mutually distinctive, pʻiau and pʻau. Then, when transcribe the Pai-i form, the Chinese word Pʻiau was chosen here, we may suppose it was [pʻiau], but not pʻau, to which Common Thai phrau H1 corresponds.5. The morpheme in the Pai-i language of the 16th century is exactly parallel to that in Modern Pal-i, Note 2 and may be analysed as CVC [C includes CC, V includes VV] plus one toneme.As a result of this preliminary investigation, I have arrived at the two phonemic systems of these languages, Pai-i A and Pai-i B (see §13, 16.)Each of the phonemes which appears in each of the positions in the CVC syllable pattern is expressed in the Pai-i script by a single or compound letter. The kind of letter in initial position is set forth in §12, and the distribution of the script in the position of -VC is in §14.It may be noted that this system is only a tentative one, and may require some modification through more intensive study in the future. Note.1. On the Chieng-mai Lao=Chinese vocabulary and Pai-i=Chinese vocabulary, we have Prof. Hisanosuke Izui’'s works published in his “Études comparatives des langues du Sud”. Sôgensha, Tokyo-Osaka. 1949 (In Japanese) and “Decipherment of the Pa-po Vocabulary and Epistles” In 京都大學文學部研究紀耍 2. 1951. Note 2. This is based on the materials collected by the writer in Rangoon, Burma, Feb. 1959. It may be called the Hang-shi (芒市) dialect.○：rの下に○●：bの下に○□：dの下に○}, pages = {01--048}, title = {十六世紀におけるパイ・イ語−漢語、漢語−パイ・イ語単語集の研究}, volume = {43}, year = {1961}, yomi = {ニシダ, タツオ} }